The Washington Times

Friday, December 1, 1995

COMMENTARY; OP-ED

" A Robert McNamara in the making? "

By Richard Grenier; THE WASHINGTON TIMES



The speech! The speech! The speech of President Clinton's

lifetime! The speech which, by simultaneously embodying the

qualities of Winston Churchill and Mahatma Gandhi, Mr. Clinton

hopes will write his name in history as the U.S. president who

roused the American people to preserve European stability by

sending heavily-armed combat troops to Bosnia as "peace enforcers"

- what Defense Secretary William Perry calls the "meanest dog on

the street." But just how mean is this dog? If he gets part of

his hide ripped off, how mean will he be then?

A statesman's prime duty, wrote Karl von Clausewitz, who

viewed war and diplomacy as a continuum, is properly to assess

various kinds of conflict, properly measure his people's will and

resources, and when he sends his troops forward (I translate

freely from the German now) to understand what in God's name he's

getting himself into.

"The first, grandest, and most decisive act of judgement the

statesman is called upon to make," Clausewitz wrote, "is rightly

to understand the kind of war in which he is engaged, and not to

take it for something - or wish to make it into something - which

the nature of circumstances makes it impossible for it to be."

"When political goals seem unimportant," Clausewitz warned,

"motives weak, and the war fever of either his people or his

military forces insubstantial, a cautious commander may try all

kinds of ways, while avoiding great crises and bloody solutions,

to twist himself skillfully into peace. But he must always

remember when traveling at his peril on these forbidden paths

that at any moment he may be surprised by the God of War."

Well, I listened carefully to every word of Mr. Clinton's

speech, and read it in print the next morning with a microscope.

And, despite respectful statements of leaders of both parties,

I found little in it: above all, no clearly defined mission.

Are we merely to keep the three warring parties separated?

Defend Muslims? Guarantee free elections? Return of refugees?

What's our exit strategy? Where's the vital American interest?

The speech contained, of course, a significant amount of

utopian dreaming. Reminisced Mr. Clinton: Sarajevo was once a

symbol of "multi-ethnic tolerance." Bosnia stood for "unity in

diversity." Sarajevo's magnificent stadium hosted the Olympics,

"our universal symbol of peace and harmony." And Bosnia "can be

that kind of place again!"

I want to be clear. I think that Bill Clinton is sincere,

in his way, and that he'd genuinely like to do "good" in this world.

But his notions of "good" are so foggy, and his understanding of

evil so simple and childlike, that he hasno idea that his goody-

goody notions of multi-ethnic tolerance and "unity in diversity"

have little meaning in a pre-modern society like the Balkans.

Indeed, with the exception of a tiny number of ultra-tolerant

democracies, these notions hardly work anywhere. Why should

colorful, loveable Ireland (and there are scores of such countries)

be divided by an ancient, dogmatic issue like religion?

To persist in believing that "unity in diversity" is a universal

formula for national happiness is embarrassing.

Although of late I've received company, I've written almost

from the start that Bosnia is not a nation. It's not a people.

It has no common culture. Neither Serbs, Croats, nor Muslims ever

had the slightest intention of living under one another's rule.

This " Bosnia" is an antique satrapy of the Ottoman Empire,

preserved as an artificial administrative unit by Josip Broz Tito.

It should absolutely never have been admitted to the United

Nations as a sovereign nation. The gruelling effort in Dayton,

Ohio, to preserve this Bosnia as a "unitary" state has resulted

in a legalistic concoction that's little short of preposterous.

Mr. Clinton, in this dreamy one-world way of his, would in the

1930s have been pleading for "confidence-building measures" between

Nazis and Jews. If the Nazis could only see what lovely people

the Jews were, why Jews and Nazis could live together like brothers!

Unity in diversity!

Of public figures whose opinions I respect most in these

matters, two, General Scowcroft and James Schlesinger, feel that,

committed as we are, with all the risks involved, "to turn our backs

now" would be a "catastrophe for U.S.reliability."

Sen. John McCain, a third, said his decision to support the mission

would "probably be the most difficult I've ever made." With

substantial unanimity, the country's editorial pages, liberal and

conservative - with heavy qualifications - have given the Bosnian

mission the kind of support they give when our troops, for whatever

reason, are destined to go into action.

Judging by the morning-after opinion polls, however,

Mr. Clinton's heart-rending appeal to the American people to save

Bosnia was a complete bust. In the CBS-Washington Post poll

66 percent of respondents said peace in Bosnia was not - repeat

not - worth U.S. lives.

For years now my solution, harsh though it may seem, has been:

partition. And if you want to have America in a challenging world

leadership role, imagine what it was like for Woodrow Wilson in

1918, dividing up the remains of the vast Austrian, Turkish and

Russian empires - with ethnically thoroughly entangled populations

-into something like 20 sovereign nations.

If Mr. Clinton lucks out, and Bosnia comes apart with more

slaughter but only after next November, I've a private vision of

Mr. Clinton in a Robert McNamara mode touring the stricken areas,

whimpering that his attempt to keep this artificial Bosnia

together was not only a rotten idea, but that he knew all along

it was a rotten idea. His sincere remorse will be terrible to behold.

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Richard Grenier is a columnist for The Washington Times.

His column appears here Tuesday and Friday.



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