Defense & Foreign Affairs - Strategic Policy
MEDIA AGENDA VS. POLICY
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Gregory R. Copley
Tacitus, who lived in the first century of the Christian era, made the
comment: "They create desolation and call it peace. " He may well have
been speaking of today's media reporting on political - and therefore
strategic - topics. Shakespeare, more than a thousand years later, made
the comment in Much Ado About Nothing. "They have committed false report;
moreover, they have spoken untruths; secondarily, they are
slanders;...thirdly, they have verified unjust things; and to conclude,
they are lying knaves." Today's national leaders, almost without
exception, must harbour similar thoughts about today's consumer news
media: from newspapers and magazines, to radio and television. We are in
an age of unrestrained information control even, to a large extent, in
the more authoritarian state systems.
The explosion of media power is a direct result of the expansion of
technological means of infommation dissemination which resulted from R&D
directly connected with the Cold War competition of the past 50 years. It
is also directly related to the greater concentration of control of the
media, and the resultant competition between media groups for audience
and advertising revenue. The explosion of technologies to communicate has
not, ironically, created the hoped-for diversity of viewpoints expressed
by a multiplicity of sources.
On the contrary, the ability of major media houses to, at a single move,
control first impressions, has meant that - at a stroke - entire
political agendas and attitudes can be set. This was exemplified by the
fact that the entire world media (and therefore political) attitude
toward the current Balkan conflict was defined by the images which first
went out over the only television satellite uplinks from the war zone.
They were at that time only in Sarajevo and Zagreb, and they broadcast
only material promoted by the powers in control of those regions. The
parties to the conflict left unrepresented by the control of satellite
uplinks - the Bosnian Serbs, the Croatian Serbs and the Yugoslavs - were
unable to recover their political place in the world political stage.
The war in the Balkans is the most obvious centre of today's
sophisticated image manipulation, most of it (in this instance)
originating with govemments controlling infommation flow to media groups
and also controlling the communications means used by the media. But in
other areas, particularly in the West, it is the media which, for its own
objectives is controlling the imagery for its own purposes.
Most of the major media groups' rationale for controlling the political
agenda is based on short-term commercial gain : the desire to sell
more newspapers, gain more television or radio audience, and soon, all
of which results in additional reader and/or advertiser revenues. But
some of the media action is politically motivated. The British
Broadcasting Corporation's hostility toward the current Major Government
in the UK is motivated largely by the fact that the BBC editorial team
has developed largely as a politically left-wing body, hostile to
Conservative governments in general and, increasingly, to the monarchy.
Meanwhile, the Murdoch media group in the UK reflects a clear bias of
hostility toward UK Prime Minister John Major and to the British and
Australian monarchies . This is believed to reflect the attitudes of Rupert Murdoch, and his News
International empire.
The combined BBC-Murdoch hostility toward the Major Government will be a
large determinant in the next British elections. This in turn will shape
the outcome of the Balkan conflict (which the Major Government has been
able to contain by restraining escalation) and will shape the future of
European unity. Is this "freedom of the press" democracy, or is it a new
private form of dictatorship?
London, November-December 1994
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Suddeutsche Zeitung
THE MEDIA IN THE WAR
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Rudolf Walther
The idea that we are all equal in death should not be interpreted as
meaning that every death is the same. As Elias Cannetti says, every death
is a scandal. However, those who have been killed cannot be lumped into
the same category as those who "died in battle, " even if they died as
"defenders ". For most wars and for all civil wars, the differentiation -
in military terms - between aggressors and defenders is ideologically as
irrelevant as drawing a distinetion between good and bad nationalists,
good and bad Fascists, good and bad Stalinists, or good and bad National
Socialists. A recruit who is drafted to fght might be completely
innocent, but his death is not identical with the death of a civilian
killed by rampaging soldiers on orders or during a marauding foray.
The fact that a gun is a gun no matter what it is used for must not lead
us to the conclusion that every use of force is identical. Pacifism does
not mean non-violence at any price. Consistent pacifism must take
violence into account - naturally, with a clearly defined relationship
between political ends and means, with a calculated balance between
military-political and humane considerations.
False Comparisons
To date no one, either from political or military circles, has explained
the relationship among the political objectives, the arsenals of
available means, and humanitarian considerations in the case of the civil
war in the Balkans. None of this bothers the professional Cassandras,
politicians, and speech-makers with their instinct for making flagrant
mistakes ("now or never") and distorting history, as for instance when
they compare the Serbian siege of Bosnian towns with the Nazi destruction
of the Warsaw ghetto. The fact that such comparisons were made by the
venerable Marek Edelmann do not make them valid.
People caught up in a war and civil war have many needs. The appeals made
by refugees and mobilization of the local population in this country to
protest against the government' s policy (first an energetic recognition
and then too long a delay in taking action) are what they need least of
all. Timely military ultimatums combined with an intelligent involvement
of the media, as was the style of French general Morillon, helped people
more effectively than the protests made in our own country. The
dramatized, brutal television pictures tend to blunt the catchwords being
bandied about
in the press ("extermination of a nation," "genocide," "the Warsaw
ghetto") and provide no explanation for the war and civil war.
What is the picture of the situation given us by the media in recent
weeks? A report came out, from obscure sources which are impossible to
verify, that thousands of people had been killed in Gorazde ("wherever
you look, the streets are covered with bodies"; "a bloodbath in the
streets"). One understandably dramatic call for help from the mayor of
Gorazde and several other messages transmitted by radio were played up by
the media. When the UN forces finally managed to enter the town, they
first amended the number of casualties to 715 (Frankfurter Rundschau, 26
April 1994), and then to 250 (Suddeutsche Zeitung, 27 April 1994). While
mitigating the crimes of the rampaging Serbian soldiers, it still does
not make them any more acceptable. Words are heard from the highest
authority: "British General Rose is complaining about the Bosnian Muslims
in Gorazde; they exaggerated the number of dead and wounded.... They
whipped up a war psychosis in a city under siege which, after a time,
created a false impression regarding the number of victims in one's own
ranks; this is the only possible explanation" (FrankfurterAllgemeine
Zeitung, 29 April 1993).
Instead of providing information which would shed light on the situation
and instead of viewing all sources of information with a critical eye,
the media have given us war propaganda. By doing so they have given the
Serbian side an argument for calls to persevere and the assertion that
the Western media have colluded in a plot against Serbia and are using
all the means at their disposal to this end. The preparation of such news
items does not elicit feelings of solidarity or mobilize the reader and
television viewer in this country; at the best of times, it merely causes
a feeling of helplessness and resignation. The exaggeration of shocking
news items does not prepare the public for what is going on and encourage
them to do what needs to be done: relief aid, assistance to refugees,
negotiations and calculated threats of military force; instead it
discourages the public. In this context we should mention the shameful
fact that the far larger numbers of casualties in wars and civil wars in
the Sudan, Rwanda and elsewhere scarcely receive a mention in our media.
Is the reason for this that these places are far away from Europe, or is
it perhaps the fact that the victims are Black Africans, who are unequal
in death!
Munich, May 9, 1994